By Conference of Socialist Economists
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Extra resources for Capital & Class. - 1981. - Issue 15
11 Raikes, 1980, argues that the `absence of private property in land' (p . 28) forced what he calls the rich farmers into an extremely dependent position . As he notes, `What makes the large tractor farmers of northern Tanzania rich peasants rather than capitalists is in part the fact that in the absence of registered (or any other secure) property rights, they have to engage in political manoeuvring not simply for gain (which they do) but in order to keep a (reasonably) secure hold on what they have got' (p .
Rural Differentiation and Class Formation in Tanzania', Journal of Peasant Studies, 5, 3 (1978) 285-325 . RAIKES, P . , State and Agriculture in Tanzania, forthcoming, 1980 . , `Tanzanian Underdevelopment and Dependence', Paper No . 38, La Trobe Sociology Papers, La Trobe University, Bundora Victoria, Australia, September 1976 . , The State and Revolution in Eastern Africa, New York, 1979 . , `The State in Post-Colonial Societies : Tanzania', The Socialist Register, London, 1974, 349-72 . , Class Struggles in Tanzania, New York, 1976 .
6) No such economies of scale have been realised in tobacco production in Tanzania, outside of the large expatriate estates in Iringa . Co-operative curing barns exist ; however, more commonly an individual has his own . Holdings are too small for mechanisation, which could both 'relieve labour constraints' and `provide a standardised method of carrying out individual farm operations' (David and Rayah Feldman, p . 11) . Instead, as holdings have become smaller and more inputs are needed, more man days per acre are needed to perform the same task (David and Rayah Feldman, Tables III and IV ; p.