Development Aid in Russia: Lessons from Siberia by By (author) Judith Marquand

By By (author) Judith Marquand

Drawing on either improvement reports and post-Soviet literature, this research examines tasks in Siberia because the fall of the Berlin Wall. concentrating on serious debts of improvement initiatives in Siberia, controlled via the writer, this booklet presents a first-hand account of the successes and screw ups of improvement relief.

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What is to be sustained? The precise application of new methods to produce new outputs which is directly what the beneficiaries learnt during the course of the project; or changed attitudes, leading to increased capability to operate in the new ways in a range of circumstances; or increased capability to go even further than this, to apply new ways of thinking to wider fields and to teach them to others? 46 The 11 projects in this book all relate primarily to the not-for-profit sector. There were various false starts in the first couple of years before 20 Development Aid in Russia regular funding became available.

Either way, the distribution of oil and gas profits and their backward and forward linkages determine much of the nature of the Russian economy today. 44 Development Aid in Russia In the early 1990s, Russia was not just a middle-income country but also a middle-income country in crisis. As liberal Russians will tell you, there had been a 70-year war between the governing and the governed. The consequence had not been underdevelopment, t but, to borrow Henderson’s felicitous term,83 mis-development.

She demonstrates the weakness of all-Russian political parties in the provinces, and points out that real political and executive authority there lies with the executive branch of government. ’ Putin’s repeated attempts to exert central authority over the regions enshrine ‘clientelism rather than pluralism as the currency of Russian (provincial) politics’67 and indicate Moscow’s weakness rather than strength. Orttung and Reddaway68 support her findings that Putin’s federal envoys to his newly created okrugs were largely ineffectual; in most cases, the regional governors and their local alliances continue much as before.

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