Gender, Globalization, and Health in a Latin American by Jasmine Gideon (auth.)

By Jasmine Gideon (auth.)

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Additional resources for Gender, Globalization, and Health in a Latin American Context

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Gender analysts have tried to capture the significance of institutional rules and norms within institutions in maintaining, challenging, and reinforcing gender bias in all aspects of life (Evers, 2010: 35). Nancy Folbre argues that “social norms shape professional as well as personal life” (1997: 271). Social norms may be implicit or explicit, written or unwritten, legal and documented, and/ or habitual and customary. Building on the work of Diane Elson (1994), Elson and colleagues (1997), and Anne Marie Goetz (1995, 1997), in the context of the analysis presented in this book, the meso level is not only conduit linking micro and macro, but more than that too: it is the institutions (including rules, norms, and practices, formal, informal, stated, and unstated) that shape responses to globalization and shape how policies are prioritized, implemented, and reacted to.

Chapters 5 and 6 examine the gendered tensions between new forms of work and health that have occurred within the context of economic liberalization. The chapters highlight interlinkages between gendered norms within the labor market and the health sector. Chapter 5 focuses on the expansion of NTAEs advocated by economic liberalization policies implemented across much of the region. While this agricultural expansion has created new jobs that have mainly been taken up by women, they are predominantly precarious jobs and do not offer the same social rights and health entitlements that were historically offered to men in formal work.

It primarily expressed concern with the rise of the biomedical model, contending that it foregrounds individualistic approaches to health and illness, which conceal the social, economic, and environmental factors that cause people to become sick and contribute to poor health (Doyal, 1979; Navarro, 1974; Waitzkin, 1981). One of the central concerns of this body of work has been the contradictory relationship between capitalism and health. Lesley Doyal, in The Political Economy of Health argues, “While the development of capitalism may have facilitated an improvement in the general health of the population (as measured, for example, in life-expectancy rates), the health needs of the mass of the population continue to come into frequent conflict with the requirements of continued capital accumulation.

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