By Sheila Smith
No kingdom feels China's upward push extra deeply than Japan. via complicated case reviews of visits by way of eastern politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine, conflicts over the bounds of financial zones within the East China Sea, issues approximately nutrition safeguard, and techniques of island safety, Sheila A. Smith explores the coverage concerns trying out the japanese govt because it attempts to navigate its dating with an advancing China.
Smith unearths that Japan's interactions with China expand some distance past the negotiations among diplomats and comprise a extensive array of social actors purpose on influencing the Sino-Japanese dating. the various tensions complicating Japan's encounters with China, akin to these surrounding the Yasukuni Shrine or territorial disputes, have deep roots within the postwar period, and political advocates looking a far better eastern kingdom arrange themselves round those reasons. different tensions appear themselves through the institutional and regulatory reform of maritime boundary and nutrition issues of safety.
Smith scrutinizes the position of the japanese executive in dealing with competition as China's impact grows and jap electorate call for extra security. Underlying the government's efforts is Japan's lack of confidence approximately its personal potential for switch and its waning prestige because the best economic climate in Asia. for plenty of, China's upward thrust potential Japan's decline, and Smith indicates how Japan can hold its nearby and worldwide clout as self belief in its postwar diplomatic and protection process diminishes.
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Additional info for Intimate Rivals: Japanese Domestic Politics and a Rising China
This idea raised all sorts of red ﬂags in the Japanese government. The pro-Taibei groups in the ruling LDP argued that it would harm relations with Moscow, and the Ministry of Foreign Aﬀairs, too, saw the potential damage to Japan’s relations with the Soviet Union, by getting in the way of a resolution of its territorial dispute with Moscow. Progressives in Japan were torn between their support for Moscow and Beijing; the Japan Socialist Party favored Beijing, whereas the Japan Communist Party continued to look to Moscow.
Domestically, virtually every Asian country has found that more and more national economic choices have had some bearing on its relations with China. Indeed, the impulse of all Asian powers, large and small, has been to hedge their bets. Japan has been no exception. Since the beginning of the postwar era, Tokyo’s alliance with the United States and its diplomacy with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have been at odds. Although the Cold War dampened the tension, when the two Asian nations normalized relations in 1978, the balancing act between Japan’s historic ties to the Asian mainland and its postwar alliance with the United States was made manageable by China’s turn toward creating a market economy.
Yet as China’s rise continues, Japan’s success or failure at negotiating its interests with Beijing will aﬀect the tolerance in Japan of the vulnerabilities that have attended its postwar foreign policy commitments supporting self-restraint on the use of military force and a liberalized global market economy. Finally, if China’s rise is producing greater nationalistic sentiment in Japan, then the question is whether that sentiment will be translated into political activism. And if so, by whom? If China’s inﬂuence is producing more support for a nationalistic agenda, then the evidence should emerge from these cases of contention.