Manuel d'Arabe Algérien Moderne: Supplément de 15 Dialogues by Norbert Tapiéro

By Norbert Tapiéro

Le manuel d'arabe algerien moderne est organise en 30 lecons comportant chacune - hormis les three premieres qui servent d'introduction - texte, vocabulaire, grammaire, exercices de dialog et d'application, et subject. Meme si, a chaque debut de lecon, le texte en caracteres latins est precede de son an identical en caracteres arabes, il n'est pas critical au lecteur de se preoccuper de l'acquisition de cet alphabet, los angeles methode etant fondee sur los angeles transcription phonetique. Un very important glossaire et 15 dialogues entre Maghrebins sur los angeles vie des immigres permettent a l'apprenant de se familiariser avec le vocabulaire moderne. Un CD audio accompagne le manuel.

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Extra info for Manuel d'Arabe Algérien Moderne: Supplément de 15 Dialogues avec Traduction

Sample text

Consider the phrase “fighting the good fight”—it seems to carry within it an assumption that of course one will not win. But since the end of the Cold War the Loser Left has ballooned enormously. I would suggest that, as currently constituted, it has two main divisions: purists, and extreme anti-imperialists. The first have taken the old Marxist vanguardist idea that anyone who doesn’t adopt every detail of my particular form of doctrine isn’t really a revolutionary, and pushed it just a step further to conclude that any revolution that doesn’t fit my theory of what a real revolution should look like is worse than no revolution at all.

Bombed-out houses and loose electrical cables contributed to the apocalyptic picture. Wear a headscarf when you’re traveling near Mosul, someone had advised us. ) As we left Mosul, soldiers were still visible. The driver said the army held the streets only with great effort. Our companions told us to put our heads down whenever Iraqi military or police came into view, because they were often collaborating with IS. At Til Koçer, that border point between South Kurdistan and Rojava, we had difficulty obtaining an entry permit.

Put in those terms it was hard to argue with. But in some ways, the fact that the revolution in Rojava was almost too easy, with the regime authorities and their closest local allies simply fleeing the area and leaving their most significant properties to be expropriated without violence or even legal opposition, allowed certain other structural features to be overlooked. To move from Marxist terminology to that popularized by Pierre Bourdieu: economic capital had been partly expropriated, social capital had been somewhat rearranged, but cultural capital—and particularly class habitus—had barely been affected.

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