Nationalism and Self-Government: The Politics of Autonomy in by Scott L. Greer

By Scott L. Greer

Scotland and Catalonia, either old countries with powerful nationalisms inside higher states, are exemplars of the administration of ethnic clash in multinational democracies and of world traits towards nearby govt. concentrating on those nations, Scott L. Greer explores why nationalist mobilization arose while it did and why it stopped at autonomy instead of statehood. He demanding situations the concept that nationwide identification or institutional layout explains their relative luck as reliable multinational democracies and argues that the hot button is their robust neighborhood societies and their neighborhood enterprises' personal tastes for autonomy and environmental balance

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Regional organizations seek their own autonomy and environmental stability, and these preferences are important enough in party politics to make regionalization a winning party strategy and the regionalist party the winning one. Thus, fundamentally, “bottom-up” regional autonomy in multinational states comes about when regional organizations see it as the best way to maintain their own autonomy and stability. In Scotland, Labour’s two attempts to create a devolved government produced very different outcomes.

Elected officials, legislative powers, budgetary control, competencies and links with other institutions need not vary together and in many cases do not. A simple test of the presence or absence of regional governments would both have unproductive definitional problems on the wider shores (such as whether England’s weak, corporatist, and nonelected regional chambers are regional governments) and leaves enormous variation among “existing” regional governments. By contrast, disaggregating governments and paying attention to what they can control gives a better handle on the variations between ethereal English regions and powerful Scotland, between advanced Catalonia and advancing La Rioja.

In the more sophisticated discussions, this argument takes the form of the literature on “new regionalism,” or “bourgeois regionalism” as Harvie called it (Harvie 1992, 1994). Michael Keating’s lucid analysis explains new regionalism as a consequence of the state’s power and authority “being eroded from three directions: from above by internationalization; from below by regional and local assertion; and laterally by the advance of the market and civil society. . This has produced a new regionalism marked by two linked features: it is not contained within the framework of the nation-state; and it pits regions against each other in a competitive mold” (Keating 1998:72–73).

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